As I prepared to leave New Hampshire for the Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville, Virginia in August of 2017, I knew in advance that we would be facing dangerous and dishonest enemies. I also knew that the truth was on our side, and as such, it was in the best interests of my associates and I, to record as much of our activity as possible. So I recorded my phone calls, once safely outside my all party consent home state of New Hampshire, and made a point to communicate in writing via email and SMS as much as possible. I kept my dash cam in my car running the entire time, and even wore a body camera throughout most of my activities outside my hotel room, once I arrived in Virginia.
This turned out to be a wise investment.
Attached to this blog post, the reader will find an MP3 audio file approximately three hours in length. This audio is taken from the body camera footage of the two most noteworthy events it captured, which I’ll describe below shortly. The only alterations are that I had a volunteer beep out names of people who are not publicly known to have been involved in the event, and I used an additional audio effect to alter the voices, so as to protect the innocent. I would love nothing more than to upload the entirety of the videos to BitChute unedited, to end all confusion about what is contained within them, but unfortunately this would violate confidences, and put some folks at risk of retaliation by criminals, or put their careers in jeopardy. None of it could be used to aid in any prosecution of Unite the Right attendees, since, as you will soon hear, the video contains only exculpatory evidence, contrary to the lies you may have been told by people who do not have your best interests at heart.
I was compelled by court order to provide these videos to Plaintiff’s council during the discovery process of a civil suit in which I am a defendant. My attorneys assured me they would be kept in the strictest possible confidence, as a great deal of sensitive information is involved in the case, and the attorneys involved are under court order not to share elements of it, such as these videos, with their clients. It is important to note that, even if the videos contained incriminating evidence, which they do not, and even if I wanted to destroy them, which I do not, I did not have the option of doing so.
Before turning myself into Virginia authorities to face false criminal charges, I provided these videos to my defense attorney so that they could be used in my defense, as well as to Azzmador of the Daily Stormer, whom I trusted with a task I’ll describe momentarily. My attorney would not destroy evidence in a federal lawsuit if I asked him to, nor would he suborn perjury if I attempted to lie about my activities. Moreover, folks at the Daily Stormer have proven less than trustworthy, in hindsight, and though I have no reason to distrust Azzmador individually, I’d not risk a felony conviction unnecessarily on the hope that Azzmador would keep a secret. Moreover, I had stated publicly that I had these videos before I turned myself in, sure that they would ultimately help to vindicate me and my associates. So I could not deny their existence.
I had requested that Azzmador find video editing talent who could be trusted blur the faces and beep the names to protect the identities of the people featured in the videos, and to release that video afterwards. This is because they debunk the dishonest narrative that we came with criminal intent, and that the Left were peaceful protesters. While I was in custody, Azzmador informed me that this was too big of a task for whoever he asked to handle it. From solitary confinement, I was in no position to argue, and in any case, Azzmador stopped taking my calls after a couple of weeks.
After my release I acquired an application called Wondershare Filmora which claimed to be able to handle this automatically. Unfortunately, it was not perfectly reliable, and as people came and went from the frame, glimpses of their faces became identifiable. Desiring to keep the confidences I had promised to keep, I opted to hold onto the video.
As I’ll explain in greater detail shortly, the evidence captured on these videos was wholly exculpatory to the Right, and conclusively proved criminal behavior by the Left. Most notably, it proves that the “first sign of trouble” as the notorious Heaphy Report described it, was me being framed for brandishing a firearm early in the afternoon of August 11th, and later that day, a planning meeting at which we discussed our attempts to coordinate with law enforcement to prevent violence at the event.
As the criminal case against me proceeded, though the prosecutor knew full well it was a scam, I realized that the governments of Charlottesville and Albemarle County were aiding and abetting the Antifa terrorists who attacked us. The criminals were free and continuing their mayhem, good men were on trial for their lives, and the political stability of the Nation was irreparably harmed by a false media narrative which I had the power to debunk.
Seeing as to how I had no choice but to give the videos up in the civil case, it seemed reasonable to me that I likewise provide it to federal investigators. Though under a confidentiality order, I doubt evidence in a federal civil case could remain hidden from the FBI for long. If the city and county governments would not listen to the truth, our only hope of lawful remedy was to appeal to a higher authority. Under our system of government, that higher authority is the feds, for better or worse.
I spent most of an afternoon speaking to Special Agent Dino Capuzzo and another agent. We showed him the videos from my body camera, as well as other videos we collected during the course of my defense. We provided them with the identities of Tom Keenan, Thomas Massey, Lindsay Elizabeth Moers, and Mike Longo Jr. of Philly Antifa, and explained their connection to the Charlottesville residents who conspired to instigate the violence of that notorious weekend. They were frustrated by my inability to implicate my associates in any criminal behavior, but it just so happened to be the case that I was not aware of any. My body camera video only captured Right wingers trying to obey the law, and communists trying to break it.
It is worth noting here, that while the FBI, whether out of ideological animous or cowardice, refused to prosecute the criminals of that weekend, preferring instead to harass innocent men, such as those involved in the Rise Above Movement, they have thus far kept the videos confidential. Of course they would, as the videos do not further the lie they pursued against RAM, but rather, contradict it. Nobody has been doxed as a result of them being provided. Anybody who read the RAM indictments knows that my videos had nothing to do with those cases, and the people who say so are liars with a long track record of dishonest and malicious activity within our movement. They are taking advantage of the low IQs and short attention spans of their audiences, counting on them not to bother reading the source material. Should any of these men face a jury, my videos will likely serve as Defense Exhibit 1, assuming any of them are even featured, which I actually don’t believe they are.
It’s also worth noting that my failure to incriminate my fellow rallygoers came from no sense of loyalty or obligation to keep a secret. I was invited to a permitted demonstration, and I only went along with it under the explicit condition that everything be coordinated with law enforcement in advance, as you will hear on the attached audio. If anyone involved in that event planned on initiating violence, I’d be happy to see them prosecuted, and I’d be perfectly willing to aid in that prosecution. Implicating me in a criminal conspiracy I did not consent to, does not obligate me to the rules of a prison gang. I can only “snitch” or “rat” on my own accomplices, and since I had not committed any crime, I had no accomplices on which to rat.
Thus the evidence provided to the FBI had no impact on my case, except perhaps to make the prosecutor nervous that he would be discovered suborning perjury, and engaging in a politically motivated prosecution. It is reasonable to assume my misdemeanor plea deal was motivated by such apprehensions on his part and that of the perjurers who committed felonies to see me prosecuted, but there was never any trade of my freedom for that of anyone else. To date, nobody has been prosecuted based on anything I said or provided to investigators, though two of the communists I warned the FBI about were later prosecuted in Philadelphia for jumping two US Marines. Too bad the FBI did not act on the information I provided, perhaps that crime could have been prevented. Nowhere is there anything in any indictment or trial transcript which discusses an informant, or video that was not “open source”.
I have communicated with the FBI, and with my local police department repeatedly since my release. Each time I have, I said so in public, describing exactly what I did, and why.
In one incident, my website was defaced by people who posted bestiality and terrorist propaganda while impersonating me, and naming Special Agent Dino Capuzzo in at least one subject line. I made a formal complaint with the FBI about this intrusion of my website by people who had no authorization to do this, both in the hopes of seeing them punished for their crimes, and to make the FBI aware that I did not post terrorist propaganda and bestiality to my own website in the hopes of catching their attention, as the intruders attempted to portray.
The FBI did nothing about this. I wonder why?
In another, Jordan Jerub contacted me from a GMail account notifying me of his intent to cut off his ankle monitor and “resist the government” with his “militia”. I did not make this report immediately, mind you. Only after I repeatedly told Jerub to keep his insane and illegal plans out of my perceptions, blocking him repeatedly, and him repeatedly evading my blocks with new caller IDs and email addresses and social media accounts, did I assume he was attempting to set me up, and forwarded the information to the FBI.
The FBI did nothing about this. I wonder why?
In another, I received numerous voicemails from a person who was clearly mentally ill, who had expressed a desire to do violence, and a history of doing so more than once. When I forwarded those messages to the FBI, I said specifically “I think you’re the ones doing this, but on the off chance this is real, maybe this guy needs some help before someone gets hurt”.
The FBI did nothing about this. I wonder why?
Every single time I have received a threat of violence or vandalism against myself or my property, I have informed my local police department. In addition to my honest desire to see such crimes prosecuted, I want to make sure that I am doing everything in my power to avoid being put in a situation where I must defend myself, and being seen as doing so in the eyes of law enforcement, should such a need arise.
None of this makes me a “snitch” a “rat” or a “fed”. It means that I am a law abiding citizen who is owed protections from predatory criminals by his government. That I have not received any such protections makes me a victim of their corruption, not an accomplice. It is easy for people who hide in the shadows to cast doubts upon my actions, but I do not have the luxury of hiding. I am a public person, living in a country where I intend to impact political outcomes. I live in an apartment in a suburban neighborhood where everybody knows who I am, and what I do. I have a carry permit, and I intend to keep it. My home address has been “doxxed” by antifa, and spread further still by people who portray themselves as Right wingers, but have made obvious their subversive intent.
I am the most honest guy you know, and the people who tell you otherwise, mean you harm.
I will now proceed with the description of what you will hear on the following audio.
Despite my many precautions, I was framed for numerous crimes while I was in Virginia. I ended up spending 107 days in jail without bond or probable cause. While in the custody of the Albemarle Charlottesville Regional Jail, I had the opportunity to make friends with some other upstanding men, who also risked their lives for Race & Nation. Among them were Richard Preston, who heroically drew his pistol, and fired the warning shot which stopped negro terrorist Corey Long from setting rallygoers on fire with a flame thrower. Daniel Borden, Alex Ramos, and Jacob Goodwin, bravely stopped another negro terrorist named DeAndre Harris, from attacking rallygoers with striking weapons. I briefly got to meet James Fields, who fled the rifles of Redneck Revolt, and helped a filthy Newport smoking landwhale, achieve martyrdom.
All of them remain in the custody of the Virginia Department of Corrections, yet I write to you today from the comfort of my apartment in New Hampshire.
This has led some to understandably speculate as to why. Others, better informed, purposely lie about the circumstances.
Though I had correctly assessed that our rivals were violent and dishonest, I had gravely overestimated the integrity of those who claimed to be on our side.
My freedom is of course no mystery to anyone who followed the proceedings.
Early in the afternoon of August 11th, the day before the Unite the Right rally was planned, I had arranged a meetup for listeners of my podcast, the Radical Agenda. To prevent the location of the meeting from becoming known to Antifa terrorists, I published the details of that meeting behind my website’s paywall, but only after disabling new signups. By so doing, only pre-existing paid customers would be able to discover the information.
I had underestimated the determination of our rivals however, as it turns out they were among my paying customers well prior to the event. Shortly after shaking hands with some listeners in the parking lot of a local Walmart, we were confronted by terrorists. They circles us a couple of times, took some pictures, and attempted to instigate a physical altercation with us. However, upon seeing the pistol I had holstered in the small of my back, they thought better of engaging in initiatory violence.
Instead, they called the police. Multiple 911 calls were made, claiming that I drew my weapon, racked the slide, pointed it at these innocent victims, and threatened to kill them over their homosexuality.
Rapidly, police arrived and surrounded us with rifles and shotguns at the ready. They called me over, and informed me of the accusation.
Fortunately, I had my body camera running, and was thus able to confidently offer police definitive proof my accusers had lied. Soon, you’ll have the opportunity to listen to the entire exchange. Brandishing a firearm was not among the crimes I was charged with that weekend, in part because of that video, in addition to the fact that the liars who accused me did not see fit to present themselves to law enforcement. Instead of charging me with an offense, officers acted with the utmost courtesy and professionalism, and sent us on our way.
Former Federal Prosecutor Tim Heaphy was hired by the city in the wake of the riots to conduct an independent investigation. His report rightly described this confrontation as “The first hint of trouble” of that weekend, setting the tone for all the troubles to come.
From there we were off to Macintyre Park where I met with a reporter from Vice News. Part of that interview was used in an Emmy Award winning work of fiction, which I’m sure most people reading this have seen. The full audio of that interview can be listened to here, as Episode 342 of the Radical Agenda.
Back at my hotel, I downloaded the Walmart footage to my laptop and deleted it from the camera in order to preserve evidence of that early frame up, as well as to prevent it from falling into the wrong hands, should the camera be lost or stolen. This too, proved wise, as I’ll address shortly.
I was informed during the course of all this that there was to be a planning meeting that evening at Darden Towe park. When the location was discovered by Antifa infiltrators, and published to their websites, threats came in and the meeting was relocated to Macintyre park. Fearing more violence or false accusations, I wore my body camera again to this meeting, prominently displayed on the collar of my shirt, plain for all to see. As I got out of the car and approached the attendees, I made it known that I was recording, to collect evidence if we were ambushed or falsely accused. As you’ll be able to hear on the attached audio, those in attendance agreed that this was prudent, and raised no objection to the presence of the recording device.
At the meeting, as you’ll hear in the following audio, we discussed the court case in which we were being represented by the ACLU, as we fought in the courts for the right to hold our permitted demonstration.We discussed coordinating with law enforcement, both for that evening’s torch lit march, and the next day’s planned rally. Initially, law enforcement was not made aware of the torch march, but I told Jason Kessler that I would not attend unless law enforcement protected us since, still rattled from the earlier false accusation, I knew trouble would be awaiting us in the Gun Free Zone that is the University of Virginia campus.
My prediction was remarkably accurate.
Less accurate was what police told us. Eli Mosely informed us during the meeting that UVA police pledged to keep us separated from our foes, as you’ll hear in the following audio. Save for this fact, I’d have never seen the UVA campus, or the inside of the Charlottesville jail.
After the meeting, I went back to my hotel room, downloaded and then deleted the video from my camera. This was a slow process, which had me running late for that evening’s torch march.
It was worth the wait.
As I arrived on the campus, our men were already getting into formation. Torches were lit, men were barking orders, but there was not a cop to be seen. Hostiles were close to us, one asked me a question on camera in a video which would come up in my preliminary hearing. I was frightened. One man said something to the effect of “They are not going to mess with us, there’s too many of us here,” to which I replied “It only takes one bike lock guy to put a man in the hospital”.
The charges I faced stemmed from the accusation that I deployed pepper spray against non-combatants, during a fight that broke once our procession reached the Jefferson Memorial on campus. The evidence of my alleged crime, consisted of photo and video of me pepper spraying an actual combatant, and fighting other combatants with my hands once my pepper spray was depleted. Incidentally, this was likewise the evidence of my innocence, since numerous cameras recording the mayhem captured many angles of the conflict, and at no point did I do what I was charged with doing.
Sadly, one angle of video was missing. The first person perspective which my body camera had captured. At some point in the fighting the camera had been lost. I am unsure when, or how.
After I turned myself in, I was held in solitary confinement for over a month. Though I have no issue doubting the motives of my captors, I remain convinced this was for my safety, and not an intentional effort to torture me. Though torture it most certainly was…
Shortly after my arrival, I received a visit from Sargeant Casey Accord of the UVA police. I eagerly informed him of my missing camera, hoping he would find it. I told him I was certain this video captured a man I later came to know as Thomas Massey, had thrown the first punches of the brawl, and that it would vindicate me and my associates. Sargeant Accord informed me that the grounds had already been soured, and no camera was found.
From jail, I retaliated against this obvious effort to silence me by producing the “Live From Seg” podcast with the help of the esteemed Jared Howe, and conducting numerous telephone interviews with various movement personalities and the mainstream media. I repeatedly begged of the public to turn the camera into investigators, but none did. Since I am confident anyone on my side would have produced the camera, I can only assume this exculpatory evidence still lies in the hands of the communist terrorists.
Good thing I downloaded and deleted the other videos from the camera before going to UVA.
At my preliminary hearing on November 9th, the case against me was exposed as a fraud (read the transcript here, and note that the witnesses confessed to changing their story after conferring with prosecutors once the video disproved their claims). Two of the three charges against me were dropped, while a third remained only because the District Court Judge determined it was for the “trier of fact” to determine its outcome, as the preliminary hearing was only to determine probable cause, and not guilt or innocence. Subsequently, I was released from the jail on $25,000 bond subject to electronic monitoring on December 7th.
Once released, I got right back to doing the Radical Agenda, determined to make the show edgier than ever. Stuck with the “Crying Nazi” slander for a video where I said “I’m not a fucking Nazi,” and convinced by the reasoning of George Lincoln Rockwell, I no longer avoided the Nazi branding.
I sued the people who framed me for malicious prosecution, to the tune of a million dollars. This raised the stakes of the conflict, in ways we had not predicted.
For the next 7+ months, I awaited a conclusion to my case. I was offered numerous plea agreements during that time, including one in April, where I could plead guilty to two counts of assault, and be home the same day with my gun and voting rights intact. I refused this offer, fearing it would spoil my civil suit, and seeing it as a show of weakness from a prosecutor who knew he had fucked with the wrong bull. To coerce me into accepting the deal, and thereby obtaining my priceless silence, the prosecutor filed a motion to revoke my bond. His effort proved unsuccessful in court.
My confidence was bolstered by Jason Kessler’s victory over the same prosecutor in the same court which I was to face. Shortly after that, Daily Stormer and TRS turned on me for reasons still not entirely clear. What was clear is that I was their hero the entire time they thought I would be spending the next several decades in a Virginia prison, and that once it became obvious I’d be released, their attitudes changed dramatically. I am their business competitor after all, or perhaps, a simpler, or more complex, answer remains to be found.
Even lacking support from the movement I risked my life for, I remained defiant the entire time. That is, until the trials of Alex Ramos, and Jacob Goodwin. They were sentenced to six and ten years respectively, despite a staggering lack of evidence to their guilt, and an abundance of exculpatory evidence.
Then it became obvious to me. I was in a post-fact Jewdicial system, playing against a stacked deck. I contacted my attorney, and asked if the prior offer was still good.
Weeks went by, and a conference was held in the the civil matter I was the Plaintiff in. The details of that meeting are confidential, and I am not permitted to reveal them. The defendants clearly didn’t honor that obligation, because the next day I was once again made the offer to plead guilty to two misdemeanor assaults, and be home the same day. It was clearly a desperate effort to tank my civil case. Once again, this was accompanied by a bogus bond violation motion, clearly a repeat of the prior effort to coerce me into taking it.
But it was unnecessary. After losing 11 months of my life, being repeatedly betrayed by my own people, shut out of the financial system, deplatformed by social media, slandered by the Jewish press, pushed to the edge of bankruptcy by the costs of the fight, and seeing the fate that befell my brothers in arms, I had no will to resist any longer.
I pleaded guilty to two counts of assault, which no honest and informed person believes I committed, in the hopes that I might live to fight another day.
When you go through an ordeal like this, you think to yourself “Once that 40 years in prison is no longer hanging over my head, all my problems are solved”. Once you clear that hurdle, you’re quickly reminded that your problems have only just begun.
In the 11 months since my release, I’ve struggled to pay bills, been slandered by people who claim to share my values, been torn apart by further invasive discovery procedures in the ongoing civil litigation, received more threats on my safety than I care to count, suffered a traumatizing romantic failure, and at times struggled to refrain from alcohol to cope with all of this trauma.
Obviously I’ve had to ponder if it was worth all this trouble to attend the Unite the Right rally, and working with the available information, it seems obvious that it wasn’t.
On the other hand, I realized a long time ago that the struggle we faced would not be easy. Our foes are powerful, and their depravity knows no bounds. We should all expect to suffer tremendously, and those of us with high profiles can expect to suffer the most. One who takes up our fight under his own name and does not suffer, ought to be looked upon with great suspicion.
I care enough about our struggle to shoulder these burdens, even if the only people who support me are a few thousand listeners of my podcast. A podcast whose downloads I should remind some folks, isn’t measured by Jeff Bezos’s Alexa ranking, which some seem to perceive as the only measure of their own validation.
What hurts the most is the betrayals from our own side. I could have taken all the legal and financial troubles and all of the violence in stride save for that, but in the nearly two years since Unite the Right I’ve realized that most of the media personalities whose names you would recognize are no better than the Jewish Press. Worse even. Perhaps they are self serving grifters, perhaps they are cowards, perhaps they are enemy hostiles who engineered this scam from the beginning. I don’t suspect we’ll ever know the whole truth…
But the words of the Fuhrer ring as true of them as they do for anyone at the Washington Post…
It is not considered part of the purpose of this Press to inspire its readers with ideals which might help them to lift their minds above the sordid conditions of their daily lives; but, on the contrary, it panders to their lowest instincts. Among the lazy-minded and self-seeking sections of the masses this kind of speculation turns out lucrative.
It is this Press above all which carries on a fanatical campaign of calumny, strives to tear down everything that might be considered as a mainstay of national independence and to sabotage all cultural values as well as to destroy the autonomy of the national economic system.
It aims its attack especially against all men of character who refuse to fall into line with the Jewish efforts to obtain control over the State or who appear dangerous to the Jews merely because of their superior intelligence. For in order to incur the enmity of the Jew it is not necessary to show any open hostility towards him. It is quite sufficient if one be considered capable of opposing the Jew some time in the future or using his abilities and character to enhance the power and position of a nation which the Jew finds hostile to himself.
The Jewish instinct, which never fails where these problems have to be dealt with, readily discerns the true mentality of those whom the Jew meets in everyday life; and those who are not of a kindred spirit with him may be sure of being listed among his enemies. Since the Jew is not the object of aggression but the aggressor himself, he considers as his enemies not only those who attack him but also those who may be capable of resisting him. The means which he employs to break people of this kind, who may show themselves decent and upright, are not the open means generally used in honourable conflict, but falsehood and calumny.
He will stop at nothing. His utterly low-down conduct is so appalling that one really cannot be surprised if in the imagination of our people the Jew is pictured as the incarnation of Satan and the symbol of evil.
The ignorance of the broad masses as regards the inner character of the Jew, and the lack of instinct and insight that our upper classes display, are some of the reasons which explain how it is that so many people fall an easy prey to the systematic campaign of falsehood which the Jew carries on.
The man who is not opposed and vilified and slandered in the Jewish Press is not a staunch German and not a true National Socialist. The best rule whereby the sincerity of his convictions, his character and strength of will, can be measured is the hostility which his name arouses among the mortal enemies of our people.
The followers of the movement, and indeed the whole nation, must be reminded again and again of the fact that, through the medium of his newspapers, the Jew is always spreading falsehood and that if he tells the truth on some occasions it is only for the purpose of masking some greater deceit, which turns the apparent truth into a deliberate falsehood. The Jew is the Great Master of Lies. Falsehood and duplicity are the weapons with which he fights.
Every calumny and falsehood published by the Jews are tokens of honour which can be worn by our comrades. He whom they decry most is nearest to our hearts and he whom they mortally hate is our best friend.
If a comrade of ours opens a Jewish newspaper in the morning and does not find himself vilified there, then he has spent yesterday to no account. For if he had achieved something he would be persecuted, slandered, derided and abused. Those who effectively combat this mortal enemy of our people, who is at the same time the enemy of all Aryan peoples and all culture, can only expect to arouse opposition on the part of this race and become the object of its slanderous attacks.
When these truths become part of the flesh and blood, as it were, of our members, then the movement will be impregnable and invincible.
This production is made possible by the financial support of listeners and readers like you. I literally cannot do this without you.