Radical Agenda S05E066 – Proletariat Counter Revolution

There of course exists no shortage of things to be repulsed by, when one endeavors to familiarize themselves with the words and deeds of Leftists. Their utterly low-down conduct is so appalling, that one really cannot be surprised if, in the imagination of our people, the Leftist is pictured as the incarnation of Satan, and the symbol of evil.

It might be a challenge to pin down just what aspect of this pestilence is the most disgusting. A subjective choice to some degree, I suppose. Depending on one’s particular tastes, it might be their penchant for smearing decent people, or their unceasing thirst for blood, the kleptocratic nature of the rule they seek to impose upon the world, or the degenerate filth they peddle as though it were life saving wisdom. Perhaps for you, body count is the primary determinate factor of wickedness, and thus you would recall the millions of innocent and often magnificent lives they’ve needlessly snuffed out, or the extraordinarily and wholly unnecessarily cruel manner in which they joyously destroyed those lives. Or perhaps the survivors have the more gruesome tale to tell, the gulags, the prisons, the camps, the slave labor, the conscription to senseless wars, the rape, the destroyed families.

For me personally, it isn’t so much what they do to their enemies. That might be distasteful, but at least the malice and motive are plain to see. I can totally understand wanting to do such terrible things to one’s foes, seeing as to how I am so repulsed by them that I am amused by the retribution they have occasionally been met with over the years.

Even the innocent victims, tragic though their stories may be, can in a sense be seen as mere collateral damage in a larger conflict. To be sure, no government or group aiming to become one, ever pursued and wielded their powers without some negative impact on the blameless.

In my perhaps peculiar taste, it is what they do to the people they purport to advocate for that troubles me the most.

Women, most notably. Feminism has done more to make women miserable than Sharia Law could ever aspire to. Depriving women the joy of motherhood, subsidizing their chemical sterilization, and even conning them into snuffing out the lives within them. Women are indoctrinated to think that the only measure of value lies in manly pursuits of wealth and martial prowess, then then they are convinced that their failure to live up to masculine standards is some conspiracy against them. A conspiracy waged by none other than their protectors and providers, of course, and by this method they set the sexes into the most excruciating and unnatural of conflicts, for eternity.

As I listened to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago, one of the most painful chapters was about women in the camps. Today the Left talks about “family separation” at the southern border of the United States, as if producing children would somehow exempt people from the consequences of defying the law under their rule. Hearing the stories of women in the Soviet Union, compelled to thievery to feed their children after their husbands were imprisoned or killed for imaginary or petty offenses, infuriated me. They would in some cases be sentenced to a decade in the camps for the sin of swiping a meager meal to feed their offspring.

And in the camps, equality remained just as selective as it did on the outside. Women would be given the same destructive work assignments as the men, with the added burden of sexual coercion, of course. Women would get pregnant in the camp, give birth in the camp, watch their child die in the camp, and see the child’s body disposed of as common trash, all in the camp. Then do it all over again, repeatedly, for years.

Then there’s the blacks, of course. Democrats can barely prostrate themselves before the negro enthusiastically enough during primary season. They are promised everything from equality, to cash prizes, to immunity from prosecution, and have been for longer than most listeners have been alive. Their lot in life remains comparatively dismal regardless, of course, and sickeningly enough, it is the promises kept that have done more harm than those which they have failed to honor.

Taking advantage of their lesser intellect, the Left cons blacks into similar persecution fantasies as those they’ve duped our women into. The only possible explanation for their lesser accomplishments is said to be a conspiracy by White racists to deprive them of their fair share, lock them in cages, and gun them down in the street, for no other reason than the sheer joy of harming those whose skin color they find aesthetically undesirable.

When the outrage such lies inspire predictably result in riots and arson, the criminal element is given license to prey upon wholly innocent blacks.

The gays are no less preyed upon, of course. Whereas they were once free to keep their lifestyles a secret and move about the world largely unnoticed, the Left has now convinced them that their affliction is a thing to celebrate, to brag about, and make to an activist cause of. In the worst cases, they are told to transition genders, and venture down a course which carries a roughly 50% probability of ending in suicide.

For those who do not give into the temptation toward lethal self harm, they are rather sentenced to life as an abomination and social outcast, all the while screaming “die cis scum” at their healthy counterparts, and likewise deluded into believing it is the happy families who are responsible for their unending misery.

This being Labor Day, it would be negligent not to address their most abused victims of all. The working class.

“Workers of the World, Unite!” goes the slogan. So in solidarity with the worker are they, that the entirety of their policy agenda revolves around increasing the supply of labor while reducing its demand. Open up the borders, subsidize invasion and sloth, tax and regulate employers out of business, then ship whatever jobs remain off to some foreign hellhole where nets are required to prevent workers from dying when they leap from the windows out of despair.

In this their egalitarianism is revealed for the degrading and soul crushing horror that it is. Equality indeed. Take a capable White man in an industrialized country, then organize public policy to drag his standard of living to equal that of hut dwelling savages. Take from him what wages he is still able to obtain, through force of the tax code, give it to the women he would like to marry, and tell those women that marriage is akin to slavery, until fatherhood is reduced a peculiar rarity the old folks reminisce about.

When the staggering misery such a scheme predictably brings about, has those workers ready to lay down their lives in opposition to it, direct their enmity toward the employers. Pay no attention to the Jew behind the curtain, he is your friend. Unbeknownst to you, the enemy has been signing your checks for the last twenty years and provided you with everything you own. Once he has been eliminated, you and the Jew will rejoice in a workers’ paradise without a hierarchy of any sort. Planetary, even universal, brotherhood lies just over the horizon, once the Jew aids your revolution against the Gentile elites, and the intelligentsia of your society has been slain.

Those with the most cursory understanding of history know all too well, that paradise proves elusive in the end. Rather, an all too familiar hellscape emerges wherein all the features of the human condition which we like to think separate us from lesser animals, vanish before our eyes in the course of a generation. In enough time the people find themselves equal not only to one another, but to beasts and insects as well.

And this, sadly, is what so many celebrate, on “Labor Day”. Just like “Pride Month” the “Women’s March” and “Black Lives Matter” – it is an abuse of language so egregious, that is scarcely comprehensible to the common mind. Whatever they say they are for, one can reliably profit by betting they aim for the precise opposite.

“The Big Lie” as Hitler so aptly put it, in Mein Kampf;

All this was inspired by the principle–which is quite true in itself–that in the big lie there is always a certain force of credibility; because the broad masses of a nation are always more easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature than consciously or voluntarily; and thus in the primitive simplicity of their minds they more readily fall victims to the big lie than the small lie, since they themselves often tell small lies in little matters but would be ashamed to resort to large-scale falsehoods. It would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort the truth so infamously. Even though the facts which prove this to be so may be brought clearly to their minds, they will still doubt and waver and will continue to think that there may be some other explanation. For the grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it has been nailed down, a fact which is known to all expert liars in this world and to all who conspire together in the art of lying. These people know only too well how to use falsehood for the basest purposes.

In place of this Big Lie, we might hope to spread a greater Truth. The Marxists have never truly been a friend to the worker, but rather scheme to enslave the Nation and ultimately the whole of the Earth. They are no more in “solidarity” with the worker than the butcher is in solidarity with a cow.

For all the innumerable and tremendous failures of President Donald Trump, I’d still grant him a degree of credit for at least flinging a spark of skepticism toward the machinations of the Left into the minds of working men, which might yet lead to Samuel Adams’s brushfires of freedom. Our irate, tireless minority might yet prevail, aided thereby.

In Mein Kampf, one of the most inspiring stories Hitler told was how he came to understand the plight of the proletarian in Vienna. He had set off to become a painter, but circumstances led him to instead pursue a career as an architect. To plot this course, he needed work, and began as a “so-called extra-hand”.

His life prior to this was quite disconnected from the life of a manual laborer, and his time in Vienna was an enlightening, if difficult one.

The life which I had hitherto led at home with my parents differed in little or nothing from that of all the others. I looked forward without apprehension to the morrow, and there was no such thing as a social problem to be faced. Those among whom I passed my young days belonged to the small bourgeois class. Therefore it was a world that had very little contact with the world of genuine manual labourers. For, though at first this may appear astonishing, the ditch which separates that class, which is by no means economically well-off; from the manual labouring class is often deeper than people think. The reason for this division, which we may almost call enmity, lies in the fear that dominates a social group which has only just risen above the level of the manual labourer–a fear lest it may fall back into its old condition or at least be classed with the labourers. Moreover, there is something repulsive in remembering the cultural indigence of that lower class and their rough manners with one another; so that people who are only on the first rung of the social ladder find it unbearable to be forced to have any contact with the cultural level and standard of living out of which they have passed.

At the beginning of the century Vienna had already taken rank among those cities where social conditions are iniquitous. Dazzling riches and loathsome destitution were intermingled in violent contrast. In the centre and in the Inner City one felt the pulse-beat of an Empire which had a population of fifty-two millions, with all the perilous charm of a State made up of multiple nationalities.

But Vienna was not merely the political and intellectual centre of the Danubian Monarchy; it was also the commercial centre. Besides the horde of military officers of high rank, State officials, artists and scientists, there was the still vaster horde of workers. Abject poverty confronted the wealth of the aristocracy and the merchant class face to face.

There was hardly any other German city in which the social problem could be studied better than in Vienna. But here I must utter a warning against the illusion that this problem can be ‘studied’ from above downwards. The man who has never been in the clutches of that crushing viper can never know what its poison is. An attempt to study it in any other way will result only in superficial talk and sentimental delusions. Both are harmful. The first because it can never go to the root of the question, the second because it evades the question entirely. I do not know which is the more nefarious: to ignore social distress, as do the majority of those who have been favoured by fortune and those who have risen in the social scale through their own routine labour, or the equally supercilious and often tactless but always genteel condescension displayed by people who make a fad of being charitable and who plume themselves on ‘sympathising with the people.’ Of course such persons sin more than they can imagine from lack of instinctive understanding. And thus they are astonished to find that the ‘social conscience’ on which they pride themselves never produces any results, but often causes their good intentions to be resented; and then they talk of the ingratitude of the people.

At that time it was for the most part not very difficult to find work, because I had to seek work not as a skilled tradesman but as a so-called extra-hand ready to take any job that turned up by chance, just for the sake of earning my daily bread.

Thus I found myself in the same situation as all those emigrants who shake the dust of Europe from their feet, with the cast-iron determination to lay the foundations of a new existence in the New World and acquire for themselves a new home. Liberated from all the paralysing prejudices of class and calling, environment and tradition, they enter any service that opens its doors to them, accepting any work that comes their way, filled more and more with the idea that honest work never disgraced anybody, no matter what kind it may be. And so I was resolved to set both feet in what was for me a new world and push forward on my own road.

I soon found out that there was some kind of work always to be got, but I also learned that it could just as quickly and easily be lost. The uncertainty of being able to earn a regular daily livelihood soon appeared to me as the gloomiest feature in this new life that I had entered.

I saw this process exemplified before my eyes in thousands of cases. And the longer I observed it the greater became my dislike for that mammoth city which greedily attracts men to its bosom, in order to break them mercilessly in the end. When they came they still felt themselves in communion with their own people at home; if they remained that tie was broken.

I was thrown about so much in the life of the metropolis that I experienced the workings of this fate in my own person and felt the effects of it in my own soul. One thing stood out clearly before my eyes: It was the sudden changes from work to idleness and vice versa; so that the constant fluctuations thus caused by earnings and expenditure finally destroyed the ‘sense of thrift for many people and also the habit of regulating expenditure in an intelligent way. The body appeared to grow accustomed to the vicissitudes of food and hunger, eating heartily in good times and going hungry in bad. Indeed hunger shatters all plans for rationing expenditure on a regular scale in better times when employment is again found. The reason for this is that the deprivations which the unemployed worker has to endure must be compensated for psychologically by a persistent mental mirage in which he imagines himself eating heartily once again.

Housing conditions were very bad at that time. The Vienna manual labourers lived in surroundings of appalling misery. I shudder even to-day when I think of the woeful dens in which people dwelt, the night shelters and the slums, and all the tenebrous spectacles of ordure, loathsome filth and wickedness.

What will happen one day when hordes of emancipated slaves come forth from these dens of misery to swoop down on their unsuspecting fellow men? For this other world does not think about such a possibility. They have allowed these things to go on without caring and even without suspecting–in their total lack of instinctive understanding–that sooner or later destiny will take its vengeance unless it will have been appeased in time.

To-day I fervidly thank Providence for having sent me to such a school. There I could not refuse to take an interest in matters that did not please me. This school soon taught me a profound lesson.

In order not to despair completely of the people among whom I then lived I had to set on one side the outward appearances of their lives and on the other the reasons why they had developed in that way. Then I could hear everything without discouragement; for those who emerged from all this misfortune and misery, from this filth and outward degradation, were not human beings as such but rather lamentable results of lamentable laws.

Even in those days I already saw that there was a two-fold method by which alone it would be possible to bring about an amelioration of these conditions. This method is: first, to create better fundamental conditions of social development by establishing a profound feeling for social responsibilities among the public; second, to combine this feeling for social responsibilities with a ruthless determination to prune away all excrescences which are incapable of being improved.

Just as Nature concentrates its greatest attention, not to the maintenance of what already exists but on the selective breeding of offspring in order to carry on the species, so in human life also it is less a matter of artificially improving the existing generation–which, owing to human characteristics, is impossible in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred–and more a matter of securing from the very start a better road for future development.

During my struggle for existence in Vienna I perceived very clearly that the aim of all social activity must never be merely charitable relief, which is ridiculous and useless, but it must rather be a means to find a way of eliminating the fundamental deficiencies in our economic and cultural life–deficiencies which necessarily bring about the degradation of the individual or at least lead him towards such degradation.

How often our bourgeoisie rises up in moral indignation on hearing from the mouth of some pitiable tramp that it is all the same to him whether he be a German or not and that he will find himself at home wherever he can get enough to keep body and soul together. They protest sternly against such a lack of ‘national pride’ and strongly express their horror at such sentiments.

But how many people really ask themselves why it is that their own sentiments are better? How many of them understand that their natural pride in being members of so favoured a nation arises from the innumerable succession of instances they have encountered which remind them of the greatness of the Fatherland and the Nation in all spheres of artistic and cultural life?

Day after day the bourgeois world are witnesses to the phenomenon of spreading poison among the people through the instrumentality of the theatre and the cinema, gutter journalism and obscene books; and yet they are astonished at the deplorable ‘moral standards’ and ‘national indifference’ of the masses. As if the cinema bilge and the gutter press and suchlike could inculcate knowledge of the greatness of one’s country, apart entirely from the earlier education of the individual.

I then came to understand, quickly and thoroughly, what I had never been aware of before. It was the following:

The question of ‘nationalizing’ a people is first and foremost one of establishing healthy social conditions which will furnish the grounds that are necessary for the education of the individual. For only when family upbringing and school education have inculcated in the individual a knowledge of the cultural and economic and, above all, the political greatness of his own country–then, and then only, will it be possible for him to feel proud of being a citizen of such a country. I can fight only for something that I love. I can love only what I respect. And in order to respect a thing I must at least have some knowledge of it.

 

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